There is something about January in Tunisia. In 1984, the famous bread riots, which almost brought down the regime of Habib Bourguiba, happened in January. January 2011 saw the success of the Jasmine Revolution that brought to an end the 22-year-long dictatorship Zine El Abidine Ben Ali.

And Tunisians are at it again this January. Thousands have been demonstrating on the streets of Tunis and other cities. There have been hundreds of arrests and one person has died. This has led some observers, like the International Crisis Group, to ask whether Tunisians want to roll back the gains of their fledgling democracy.

In their latest report , the non-governmental organisation which is committed to preventing and resolving deadly conflict, warned that there was a real risk of “political tensions and a nostalgia for a strong, centralised government”, in Tunisia with the possibility of a return to the pre-revolution autocratic form of governance.

At first glance, the protests seem to be about higher taxes, and a rising cost of living. On Monday January 3, a movement calling itself Fech Testannew (‘what are we waiting for’) started a protest to challenge austerity measures introduced in the latest budget. The measures included increased taxes on cars, Internet usage and phone calls among others.

The new budget has dented the government’s popularity in the eyes of the people. It authorised the budget because it needed to implement austerity measures to meet conditions attached to a loan it’s secured from the International Monetary Fund. But while Tunisians are rightly concerned about the affordability of basic goods, they are also frustrated with the lack of progress in the government’s broader agenda, such as job creation, tackling regional inequality and corruption.

Root causes of current protests

The situation is much more complicated and the reasons for the tensions are many. Key among them are the challenges of post revolutionary situations in which citizens find that it’s more difficult than they thought to dislodge entrenched political interests.

Furthermore, the progress that has been made in establishing democratic institutions has been stalled by a fractious political party landscape. This is despite efforts by the leadership of the two main political parties – the secular Nidaa Tounes and Islamist Ennahdah – to work together, while incorporating key figures from the Ben Ali regime. This has provided some political stability but tensions remain. In particular the schism between Islamist and secular forces still runs deep.

Tunisians are also concerned about the delay in establishing critical democratic institutions such as the Constitutional Court. And the postponement of local government elections that were set to introduce a decentralised system of governance. This has deepened the rift between the leadership and the electorate.



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